Introduction

The archaeological data relevant to the book of Exodus spans from small pieces of papyri to the Sphinx Dream Stele in front of the magisterial Great Sphinx of Giza. The historical geography relevant to Exodus provides insight into some of the most hotly debated issues of modern scholarship. The question is what specific pieces of archaeological artifacts and geographical scenery provide glimpses into the ancient world of the book of Exodus. Without identifying the pertinent archaeology and geography, the layman and scholar stand to miss the patterns of evidence that that illuminate history. An overview of the book of Exodus’s most prominent archaeological and geographical data not only enhances understanding of the text, but the data also provides evidence to support the historicity of the book.  First, a brief archaeological overview identifies eight significant finds in the ancient Near East that illuminate an understanding of the book of Exodus while simultaneously providing evidence for its historicity. Next, a brief geographical survey commences that follows the movement of the ancient Israelites from Rameses to Mount Sinai during the most notable event in the history of the Jewish people – the Exodus. The geographical data also elucidates meaning and reinforces the historicity of the event.

Archaeological Overview

Although one would think that extensive remains would exist to support the events of the Exodus, two important factors explain the dearth of archaeological data. Randall Price and H. Wayne House point out that the Egyptian propaganda machine would never have documented a national defeat, and the extreme conditions of the desert environment would have likely disintegrated any remaining evidence.[1] Accordingly, archaeological support for the date of the Exodus event is lacking. However, without digging too deeply into the debate, a piece that applies to the date of the event is the Merneptah Stele. The stele, which is dated no later than 1250 BC, is the only inscription during the New Kingdom period that refers to Israel.[2] Accordingly, the late date proponents assume the Exodus event occurred around the same time. However, the early date proponents assume the Merneptah Stele referred to Israel as a nation after the conquest; thus, the Exodus event had to occur during an earlier period such as the fifteenth century BC.

Two important archaeological finds are the Brooklyn Papyrus 35.1446 and the Rekhmire Tomb Painting. First, according to Titus Kennedy, the papyrus is dated to the seventeenth century, likely discovered in Thebes, and lists nine servants with Hebrew names.[3] Exodus 1:11 refers to Egyptian taskmasters afflicting Israelite slaves prior to the Exodus. The list provides evidence that the Israelites were in Egypt at an early date, which aligns with verse 11. Also, John Harmon explains that the Rekhmire tomb painting characterizes immigrants or, more specifically, prisoners of war producing bricks.[4] Similar to the Brooklyn Papyrus, the tomb provides evidence of the existence of Israelite people in Egypt prior to the Exodus.

Temple walls and pillars also provided archaeological evidence of the Israelites. Kennedy notes that the words the “lands of the nomads of YHWH” were found on two of the New Kingdom Egyptian Temples and one of the temple pillars in Sudan.[5] The hieroglyphic inscriptions on the walls of the temples and the pillar were the earliest known texts that referred to YHWH. The reference aligns with Exodus 7:5, which states that the “Egyptians shall know that I am the Lord (YHWH).”[6] They were both found in northern Sudan in the ancient town of Soleb and were dated around 1400-1300 BC.[7] Not only does the text reference YHWH, but it also references the nomadic nature of the Israelites prior to their inhabitation in the area of Egypt.

Archaeological evidence may provide insight into the difficult topic of YHWH hardening Pharaoh’s heart. According to Price and House, a painting on the coffin of the Pharaoh of the Twenty-First Dynasty named Tanakhtenettahat exemplifies the funerary art that characterizes the theology of the afterlife where the dead had to face a trial.[8] A similar archaeological find exists in mural form in the scroll of the Egyptian Book of the Dead, both of which depict a “weighing of the heart” scene.[9] In the ancient world, the heart was the seat of cognitions and emotions. When an individual died, the assessment occurred by weighing the heart against the standard of truth by using a scale. If the heart was too heavy with sin, then the scales would tip to the destruction, but, if the heart was light, then the individual would experience eternal life. In Exodus 4:21, the Lord says to Moses, “I will harden [make heavy] his [Pharaoh’s] heart.” Pharaoh represented salvation in Egypt, so, according to G. K. Beale, God’s hardening of Pharaoh’s heart is a polemic against his salvific powers “and the belief that Pharaoh’s heart was the all-controlling factor both in history and society.”[10] Accordingly, Pharaoh’s power to stop the plagues was negated and destruction ensued.

The famous story of Moses and Aaron dueling with the Egyptian magicians that resulted in Aaron’s staff swallowing the magician’s staffs may have an archaeological backdrop. Price and House explain that the text inscribed on the walls of the pyramid of King Unas at Saqqara in Egypt was written with Egyptian characters in a Semitic dialect and referenced the idea of a “mother snake.”[11] The theory is that sometime between the twenty-fourth and thirtieth century BC, Canaanite priests provided magical spells to the Egyptians to protect mummies from poisonous snakes that scared the Egyptians.[12] The Egyptians believed their culture was superior to not only the Canaanites, but to all their neighbors. Accordingly, the dueling staffs prove that YHWH is superior to all.

Although little direct archeological evidence exists for the Exodus event, indirect evidence may exist via the Papyrus Leiden 344. The Egyptian plagues occur in Exodus 7:14-12:36 and mark a time of rebellion and lament by the Egyptian people. Kennedy explains that the poem, the Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage: The Ipuwer Papyrus, is a lament that describes a time when Egypt was experiencing death and destruction and would have occurred sometime prior to the thirteenth century.[13] Price and House provide excerpts of the papyrus, which states, “The river is blood. If you drink of it, you lose your humanity, and thirst for water…behold, plague sweeps the land, blood is everywhere.”[14] It is difficult to miss the connection between the papyrus and the water to blood plague in the book of Exodus and the large-scale death that may have accompanied many of the plagues.

The death of the firstborn may also be referred to in front of the archaeological majesty of the Great Sphinx of Giza. Kennedy explains that the Sphinx Dream Stele was an official text of Pharaoh Thutmose IV, who reigned during the fifteenth century BC, that documented a dream.[15] However, the relevance of the stele is not so much in the dream as in the pharaoh’s ascension to the throne. Kennedy continues by explaining that scholars believe that the text demonstrates that Thutmose IV was not the natural heir, but his older, firstborn brother, Amenhotep, mysteriously died, which allowed him to become pharaoh.[16] Exodus 12:29 tells the story of the tenth plague the struck down the firstborn sons, which would have included Pharaoh’s firstborn son. The Sphinx Dream Stele may provide evidence that supports the historicity of the tenth plague.

Archaeology also provides structures comparable not only to the tabernacle, but also to the Ark of the Covenant that was often placed within the tabernacle. Alan Millard points out that portable shrines with gold-plated wooden frames had been created by Egyptian craftsman since about 2500 BC.[17] More specifically, Price and House explain that within the innermost portion of the tomb of King Tutankhamen in the Valley of the Kings at Luxor was a smaller gold-plated shrine protected by a cherub-like figure.[18] The tomb appears to parallel the chronology and the structure of the tabernacle in the biblical account, which also houses the Ark of the Covenant in its inner-most portion. Finally, according to Elie Borowski, cherubim figures commonly appeared in ancient Near Eastern cultures for protection as documented in the palace in northern Syria of the governor of Hadatu at the archaeological site of Arslan Tash.[19] Numerous other examples exist, but it is clear that the structural concept of the biblical tabernacle and the Ark of the Covenant were not unique to the ancient Near East. Although modern scholars would desire much more evidence, the archaeological clues provided by the enormous progress in the last couple of centuries continues to contribute to an understanding of Scripture and the historicity of the biblical data.

Geographical Overview

Although the book of Exodus records Moses growing up in Egypt, fleeing to Midian after killing an Egyptian, and then returning to Egypt under God’s providential care, the focus of the geographical analysis by most scholars is on the route of the Exodus event. According to Exodus 12:37-38, the Exodus begins in Rameses with about 600,000 men along with their families and livestock who plan to journey to Succoth. According to Thomas Brisco, the city of Rameses was the capital and government center of the Nineteenth Dynasty of Egypt, which included palaces and residences for officials serving the pharaoh.[20] Carl Rasmussen explains that Succoth is likely located within the region of Wadi Tumilat at Tell el-Maskhuta, which is northwest of the Red Sea.[21]

Ancient Israel in Sinai_ The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Wilderness Tradition

Furthermore, James Hoffmeier highlights the fact that, according to various Egyptian inscriptions, Succoth was a military zone; thus the Israelites likely traversed the east side of the Wadi Tumilat to avoid military confrontation, which would support a central or southern direction toward Sinai.[22] After Succoth, the Israelites camped at Etham at the edge of the wilderness and as the people drew closer to the sea prior to crossing, the Lord said to Moses, “Tell the people of Israel to turn back and encamp in front of Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, in front of Baal-zephon; you shall encamp facing it, by the sea” (Exod 13:20; 14:2). Unfortunately, Rasmussen notes that the locations are problematic, but Pi-hahiroth could be a low area west of the Bitter Lake, and Etham and Migdol could be one of several Egyptian forts north of the Bitter Lake alongside the modern Suez Canal.[23] Hoffmeier explains that attempts to locate these geographical toponyms have spawned three theories regarding the direction of Israelites after crossing the Red Sea or Sea of Reeds: the northern, central, and southern theories.[24] Finally, the traditional location for the crossing of the sea is at the north end of the Gulf of Suez possibly around one of the lakes.[25]

According to Exodus 15:22-23, after the miraculous crossing of the sea, the Israelites spent three days in the wilderness of Shur. The direction of the remaining journey until their arrival in Kadesh-barnea is debated by scholars. First, the route could have taken a northern trajectory. Brisco explains that the northern section of the Sinai Peninsula consisted of sandy coastal plains alongside deserts in the west that bordered several lakes and a large lagoon to the extreme north.[26] Exodus 17:8-16 refers to an Israelite encounter with the Amalekites at Rephidim. The Amalekites who, according to Brisco, are seminomadic people who inhabited northern Sinai provide evidence for the northern theory.[27] However, Hoffmeier asserts that no archaeological evidence exists for Baal-zephon in northern Sinai during the second millennium, and since the northern coastal highway included a significant military presence, the northern theory needs abandoned.[28]

Second, the central theory suggests the Israelites migrated through the middle of the Sinai Peninsula either before moving toward Kadesh-barnea or prior to heading to Mount Sinai located in Arabia, a location near Midian where Moses had fled. The geography of the central plateau, according to Brisco, was primarily covered in limestone and sandstone with a line of low mountains on the north and a barren wilderness through its center.[29] Exodus 19:18 describes the mountain as trembling, which may connote an earthquake. Historical evidence of volcanic activity along the western Arabian coast provides some limited evidence for the central theory.

Third, the southern theory, which is the most prevalent, assumes the Israelites moved down the southwest side of the Sinai Peninsula and that Mount Sinai was located at the traditional location at Jebel Musa. Brisco describes the geography of the southern granite mountain range of the Sinai Peninsula as elevating above eight thousand feet and consisting of deep valleys full of streams, the largest being the Wadi Feiran.[30] Three reasons support the southern route of the Israelites. Exodus 13:17 explains that God prohibited the Israelites from traveling by way of the land of the Philistines, which suggests the Israelites avoided the northern coast. Second, Deuteronomy 1:2 states that the journey from the mountain to Kadesh-barnea takes eleven days, which fits well with the location of Mount Sinai in the south. Third, according to Brisco, several sites mentioned in Scripture from Mount Sinai to Kadesh-barnea suggest a southern location.[31] Unfortunately, many place names and regions remain unidentified due to the discontinuity of the population and the lack of artifacts due to the climate, terrain, and nomadic nature of the Israelites. However, geographical analysis continues to provide insight and direction that illuminates the story of the Bible and supports the historicity of the book of Exodus.

Conclusion

Although retracing the footsteps of the ancient Israelites in photographs may be the closest most students and scholars come to the on-site archaeological and geographical immersion experienced by the skilled professional, the ramifications of the data are no less critical. The diverse archaeological artifacts that include papyri, temple walls, coffins, pyramid inscriptions, stelae, and tomb contents combine to provide a tapestry of evidence for the book of Exodus. Furthermore, the variegated geographical features from camping outside fortified cities along lakes and rivers to the inhabitation of the Sinai Peninsula, which included sandy coastal plains, barren wildernesses within the central plateau, and pink granite mountain ranges in the south, provide color to the already vivid story. Without question, the brief overview of the book of Exodus’s most prominent archaeological and geographical data has not only enhanced an understanding of the book, but it has also provided evidence to support the historicity of its events. From a personal perspective, teaching the historical aspects of the biblical text can be risky in front of listeners attempting to stay awake long enough for the practical application. However, when the archaeological and geographical data not only illuminate the mind’s understanding, but also solidifies the individual’s belief in the events, history comes to life and so does the listener.

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[1] J. Randall Price and H. Wayne House, Zondervan Handbook of Biblical Archaeology: A Book by Book Guide to Archaeological Discoveries Related to the Bible (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Academic, 2017), 82.

[2] Victor H. Matthews and Don C. Benjamin, Old Testament Parallels: Laws and Stories from the Ancient Near East (New York: Paulist Press, 2016), 100.

[3] Titus M. Kennedy, Unearthing the Bible: 101 Archaeological Discoveries That Bring the Bible to Life (Eugene: Harvest House Publishers, 2020), 47–48.

[4] John A. Harmon, “Archaeology of Egypt,” in The Lexham Bible Dictionary, ed. John D. Barry et al. (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016).

[5] Kennedy, Unearthing the Bible, 60.

[6] Unless otherwise noted, all biblical passages referenced are in the English Standard Version (Wheaton: Crossway, 2008).

[7] Kennedy, Unearthing the Bible, 60.

[8] Price and House, Zondervan Handbook of Biblical Archaeology, 85.

[9] Ibid.

[10] G K. (Gregory K) Beale, “An Exegetical and Theological Consideration of the Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart in Exodus 4-14 and Romans 9,” Trinity Journal 5, no. 2 (1984): 149.

[11] Price and House, Zondervan Handbook of Biblical Archaeology, 87.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Kennedy, Unearthing the Bible, 53–54.

[14] Price and House, Zondervan Handbook of Biblical Archaeology, 89.

[15] Kennedy, Unearthing the Bible, 58–59.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Alan R. Millard, “Tutankhamun, The Tabernacle and the Ark of the Covenant,” Bible and Spade 7, no. 2 (1994): 50.

[18] Price and House, Zondervan Handbook of Biblical Archaeology, 92–93.

[19] Elie Borowski, “Cherubim: God’s Throne?” Biblical Archaeology Review 21, no. 4 (July 1995): 36–41.

[20] Thomas V. Brisco, Holman Bible Atlas: A Complete Guide to the Expansive Geography of Biblical History (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1998), 68.

[21] Carl G. Rasmussen, Zondervan Atlas of the Bible (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Academic, 2010), 103.

[22] James K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Exodus Tradition (New York: Oxford, 1996), 179-182.

[23] Rasmussen, Zondervan Atlas of the Bible, 103–104.

[24] Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Exodus Tradition, 183.

[25] Rasmussen, Zondervan Atlas of the Bible, 104.

[26] Brisco, Holman Bible Atlas, 65.

[27] Ibid., 68.

[28] Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Exodus Tradition, 184.

[29] Brisco, Holman Bible Atlas, 65.

[30] Brisco, Holman Bible Atlas, 66, 68.

[31] Ibid., 67.

Bibliography

• Beale, G K. (Gregory K). “An Exegetical and Theological Consideration of the Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart in Exodus 4-14 and Romans 9.” Trinity Journal 5, no. 2 (1984): 129–154.
• Borowski, Elie. “Cherubim: God’s Throne?” Biblical Archaeology Review 21, no. 4 (July 1995): 36–41.
• Brisco, Thomas V. Holman Bible Atlas: A Complete Guide to the Expansive Geography of Biblical History. Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1998.
• Harmon, John A. “Archaeology of Egypt.” In The Lexham Bible Dictionary, edited by John D. Barry, David Bomer, Derek R. Brown, Rachel Klippenstein, Mangum Douglas, Carrie Sinclair Wolcott, Lazarus Wentz, Elliot Ritzema, and Wendy Widder. Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016.
• Hoffmeier, James K. Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Exodus Tradition. New York: Oxford, 1996.
• Kennedy, Titus M. Unearthing the Bible: 101 Archaeological Discoveries That Bring the Bible to Life. Eugene: Harvest House Publishers, 2020.
• Matthews, Victor H., and Don C. Benjamin. Old Testament Parallels: Laws and Stories from the Ancient Near East. New York: Paulist Press, 2016.
• Millard, Alan R. “Tutankhamun, The Tabernacle and the Ark of the Covenant.” Bible and Spade 7, no. 2 (1994): 49–51.
• Price, J. Randall, and H. Wayne House. Zondervan Handbook of Biblical Archaeology: A Book by Book Guide to Archaeological Discoveries Related to the Bible. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Academic, 2017.
• Rasmussen, Carl G. Zondervan Atlas of the Bible. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Academic, 2010.